The High Empire, A. Cambridge University Press, , — Of those still alive at age 10, half would die by the age of 50 according to the African statistics cited by Jones, ibid. Roman women could expect to bear on average 6 to 9 children. Life expectancy was in the mid-twenties. The population curve was heavy at the bottom: This has importance when considering the numbers of men eligible for military service from age 18 to 45 - on the face of it they were 20 percent plus there were more males than females of the population, 15 million?
The pressure was partly relieved by enlisting men from outside the Empire the so-called 'barbarians' to fill up the ranks which needed 40, recruits a year half of whom had died before the end of their 20 and year enlistments. These taken from a relatively small pool of voluntary and eligible recruits, 2. At its peak, after the Antonine Plague of the s CE, it had a population of about 60—70 million and a population density of about 16 persons per square kilometer spread evenly.
However, the populations tended to be gathered in river valleys and areas suitable for cultivation; and in towns and cities. In contrast to the European societies of the classical and medieval periods, Rome had unusually high urbanization rates. No Western city would have as many again until the 19th century.
For the lands around the Mediterranean Sea and their hinterlands, the period from the second millennium BCE to the early first millennium CE was one of substantial population growth. What would become the territory of the Roman Empire saw an average annual population growth of about 0. Growth was slower around the eastern Mediterranean, which was already more developed at the beginning of the period, on the order of about 0. By comparison, what is now the territory of China experienced 0. After population decline following the disintegration of the western half of the Roman state in the fifth and sixth centuries, Europe probably re-attained Roman-era population totals in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and, following another decline associated with the Black Death , consistently exceeded them after the midth century.
There are no reliable surviving records for the general demography of the Roman Empire. There are no detailed local records, such as underlie the demographic study of early modern Europe, either.
Crucifixion for one in two men is just the start. Describe your issue Have a question not already answered in the links at left or on our main FAQ page? Hamilcar Barca and the Punic Wars. After tightening the Roman positions around Carthage, Aemilianus launched a forceful attack on its harbor side in the spring of B. Your display name should be at least 2 characters long. Mortality on this scale:
Large numbers of impressionistic, moralizing, and anecdotal observations on demography survive from the literary sources. They are of little use in the study of Roman demography, which tends to rely instead on conjecture and comparison, rather than records and observations.
When the high infant mortality rate is factored in life expectancy at birth inhabitants of the Roman Empire had a life expectancy at birth of about 25 years. However, when infant mortality is factored out, life expectancy is doubled to the lates. If a Roman survived infancy to their mid-teens, they could, on average, expect near six decades of life, although of course many lived much longer or shorter lives for varied reasons.
It originates in cross-country comparison: Roman demography bears comparison to available data for India and rural China in the early 20th century , where life expectancies at birth were also in the low 20s. About census returns filed in Egypt in the first three centuries CE survive. Frier have used them to build female and male age distributions, which show life expectancies at birth of between 22 and 25 years, results broadly consistent with model life tables.
The basis and interpretation of these sources is disputed: Nonetheless, because they converge with low Roman elite survival rates shown in the literary sources, and because their evidence is consistent with data from populations with comparably high mortality rates, such as in 18th century France, and early 20th century China, India, and Egypt, they reinforce the basic assumption of Roman demography: As no population for which accurate observations survive has such a low life expectancy, model life tables must be used to understand this population's age demography.
These models, based on historical data, describe 'typical' populations at different levels of mortality.
For his demographic synopsis of the Roman Empire, Bruce Frier used the Model West framework, as it is "the most generalized and widely applicable". On two important points, the table may seriously misrepresent the Roman situation: A life expectancy range of between 20 and 30 years is therefore plausible,  though it may have been exceeded in either direction in marginal regions e. The specifics of any ancient age distribution, moreover, would have seen heavy variation under the impact of local conditions. Pulmonary tuberculosis , for example, characterized much of the Roman region in antiquity; its deaths tend to be concentrated in the early twenties, where model life tables show a mortality trough.
Mortality on this scale: With the prevalence of debilitating diseases, the number of effective working years was even worse: A HALE of less than 20 years would have left the empire with very depressed levels of economic productivity. To maintain replacement levels under such a mortality regime—much less to achieve sustained growth—fertility figures needed to be very high. With life expectancies of twenty to thirty, women would have to give birth to between 4. Given elevated levels of divorce, widowhood, and sterility, however, the birth rate would have needed to be higher than that baseline, at around 6 to 9 children per woman.
A population which maintained an annual growth or decline of 0. Such rates are feasible locally or over a short period of time, and deaths could consistently outstrip births during epidemics, but, in the long term, convergence to maintenance levels was the rule. The surviving census returns from Roman Egypt speak to a population that had not yet undergone the "fertility transition"; artificial fertility controls like contraception and abortion were not widely used to alter natural fecundity in the Roman period.
Only family limitation, in which couples ceased procreating after they had attained an acceptable level of children, could have been widespread. Imperial Rome largely conforms to what is known as the "Mediterranean" pattern of marital fertility: According to the most plausible interpretation of the evidence from funerary commemoration, in the lower classes, women married in their late teens or early twenties, and men married in their late twenties or early thirties.
The Roman pattern thus stands in contrast to the "Eastern" i.
This was apparently achieved by a combination of prolonged breastfeeding, female infanticide, and male celibacy, though the details are controversial. Roman Egypt, for example, had a custom of extended breastfeeding, which may have lengthened birth spacing. Egyptian fertility levels are comparable to those recorded in the early modern Japanese village Nakahara , where about half the population practiced family limitation. On the historian Walter Scheidel's judgment, this speaks to the incidence of family limitation even in what are supposedly "natural fertility" regimes.
Roman and Greek literary and legal tradition also makes frequent reference to the "Eastern" demographic features infanticide and child exposure. Although the extent of these practices is unlikely to have been small, it is nonetheless impossible to quantify nor can reported gender ratios permit judgment on the prevalence of femicide. These "Eastern" features did not prevail in medieval or modern Europe, where there were cultural and structural factors directly discouraging them or diminishing their effects on childhood mortality religious doctrine, legal enforcement, institutions of foundling care, child labor, wet-nursing, etc.
These constraints were weak or absent in Greek and Roman society.
According to the Cavalli—Sforza reconstruction of genetic history, there was little migration in Europe after the Iron Age. Most population growth can therefore be ascribed to the gradual expansion of local populations under conditions of improving fertility, rather than inter-regional transfer. That said, local migration from village to village may have been substantial; for the successful dedication and expansion of new settlements, it would have been necessary. The geography of the Mediterranean made this fairly convenient;  at the beginning of the empire, about , Italians lived in the provinces.
Conversely, the foreign population of Rome was very small. Biochemical analysis of skeletons from three non-elite imperial-era cemeteries in the vicinity of Rome revealed that only 1 individual definitely came from outside of Europe North Africa , and another 2 possibly did, but results are inconclusive. Modern estimates of the population of the Roman Empire derive from the fundamental work of nineteenth-century historian Karl Julius Beloch. By providing a check to population densities, these area figures compel a baseline level of plausibility.
Only his estimates for Anatolia and Greater Syria required extensive revision; Beloch estimated population figure, 19 million, produced population densities not otherwise achieved in those areas until the 20th century. Bruce Frier, in a recent estimate of the population of the empire, suggested a figure of 12 million as "considerably more plausible". This estimate produces a population density of The population density in the Greek East was Slaves constituted about 15 percent of the Empire's total population; the proportionate figure would be much higher in Italy and much lower in Africa and Egypt.
There are few recorded population numbers for the whole of antiquity, and those that exist are often rhetorical or symbolic.
There is an secret to the way the Carthaginians build galleys - built to a standard design and each piece is marked. You can take one apart and use it as a set of templates to build more. Rome uses a captured galley to build a fleet of ships in less than 45 days and challenge Carthaginian supremacy. Its BC and Rome takes its chance. Over several years the armies of Carthage and Rome have fought each other to bloody stalemate. Neither can gain a decisive advantage. When two empires meet history shows only one will stand.
Persia covers more land than Carthage who controls the Mediterranean and its wealth from shore to distant shore. As the two empires confront each other in a hundred little skirmishes one will survive and one will fall. It is BC and if Persia falls only one small emerging state will stand in the way of Carthaginian suzerainty - Rome. August 30, by Bluewood Publishing. Having conquered Egypt it is time for the army of Carthage to move north up the coast. First the city of Tyre stands in their way and if they can subdue the fabled island citadel then Darius is massing the largest army ever seen to face them on the banks of the gentle river Issus.
A river that will run with blood before the year is out. It is BC and Carthage must fight on land and sea. Unsettled by the Persian advances into Africa and threatened by the increased Persian military presence along the East Coast of the Mediterranean from the Dardanelles all the way to Egypt; Carthage must act. The Persians are expecting a naval attack from a naval power so when the Carthaginians strike from the desert surprise is paramount. It is BC and Carthage faces its greatest enemy yet. Seven Sisters by David Bowman Series: Seven Sisters , Book 1. December 18, by Bluewood Publishing.
In an intact 9th Century Roman Empire one man has the chance to fight one battle to bring an end to civil war. To besiege the most highly fortified city in the empire, its seven forts and water defences. He can do this, but can he do it in time? October 3, by Bluewood Publishing.
Now he must lead a last desperate rebellion against the overlords from across the sea. Is it still his destiny to rule or has Carthage the wit and might to destroy the dynasty before Alexander is even born. It is BC and the nexus of history is upon them. After the failed assassination Handro must act. Has Lysander truly decided to change sides? Why send a Theban? Why are there plumes of thick smoke rising from Thebes?
If Lysander is dead and the Spartans have gone mad with blood lust is it time to remove this cancer from Greece? Handro is taking a well earned rest in Athens.
One night a slight sound disturbs him. Is the assassin still in the room? Why does he want Handro dead? All is not as it seems as even his allies are turning against him. Has the whole of Greece gone mad? It is BC and Handro is fighting for his own life in his own bed while the world waits breathlessly on the victor. Handro and Carthage have won but the cities of Greece have closed their gates to him and his Spartan allies. The Spartans stormed Corinth and reduced it.
Handro must avoid that fate for Thebes and Athens. Can he destroy the powerbase states without destroying the cities? Its BC and Handro must act to prevent barbarism. September 1, by Bluewood Publishing. Ten years of bitter war - the combined armies of Sparta and Carthage under charismatic leaders Lysander and Handro have the chance to end it.
They must eliminate the armies of their four largest opponents. Sparta are the masters of hoplite warfare. Carthage with their sea power are masters of flexibility. Can these two actually work together and win? Greece is in the melting pot.
Athens has been humbled in battle, her army broken, her fleets destroyed. Athens herself is untouched. Handro has his orders to humiliate but not sack the city. By capturing the Vestal Virgins will he go too far? Sparta and Athens are fighting again. But which one does Carthage want to win? Her army is large and superb. How long can Carthage allow this state of affairs to continue?
Handro will play his own game at this table. Its BC and Greece is the melting pot. Carthage wants control of Sicily. But it has held out for four long years. Carthage is sick of war. Can his final desperate plan succeed in breaking Athens final holding in the Western Mediterranean?
Its BC Can Handro meet and make his destiny? A sorry for himself Athenian mathematician, exiled from Athens on pain of death. But for Carthage his theories could lead to a navigation system. Anaxagoras has a choice.